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Writer's pictureMirza Rimu

Russia’s Invasion of Ukraine: Imperialism in the 21st Century

As we approach over one week since Russian President Vladimir Putin launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine- the largest military assault in Europe post-World War II- it is evident that he will continue to oppose any attempts to remove Ukraine from Russia’s sphere of influence. The premeditated attack that put 44 million lives at stake comes just days after world leaders gathered at the Munich Security Conference. Putin’s absence at the meeting did not hinder other world leaders from condemning any further annexing of Ukrainian territory. What came as a shock to most of the world is actually deeply rooted in Russian-Ukrainian history and debates over geopolitics and culture. We find ourselves asking the same questions: could this have been avoided? How is the United States and its European allies involved? Are we at the brink of a nuclear war?


During the Soviet Union’s regime, Ukraine was one of its most developed regions.

Following the USSR’s collapse, it declared independence as a republic, announcing their withdrawal from Soviet restrictions and establishing their own legal code and governance. Vladimir Putin disregards Ukraine’s historical integrity, falsely deeming it a product of Russia that must be returned. He stated “Ukraine is not just a neighboring country. It's an integral part of our history, culture, and spiritual continuum” on the same day his troops infiltrated the independent state. The President has repeatedly stated that the occupation of Ukraine is not his end goal- it is to reinstate the Russian regime while completely abandoning any influence from the West and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). NATO is a military alliance formed by the United States, Canada, and numerous Western European countries in 1949 to resist the Soviet Union. The USSR retaliated by creating the Warsaw Pact, recruiting seven other Soviet satellite states. It is no wonder Putin is infuriated by former members of the Warsaw Pact (i.e. Hungary, Poland, the Czech Republic, Bulgaria, Albania) joining NATO in recent years. Russia endured economic losses during its early years after 1991, where the former US Deputy Secretary of State advised then Russian President Boris Yeltsin to compromise democracy for economic reform. Such a mistake would encourage authoritarian leadership for decades to come.


Dodging NATO expansionism was also the objective in Putin’s 2014 seizing of the

Crimean peninsula. Since then, Russian troops have been occupying two regions of Ukraine

called Donetsk and Luhansk, or Donbas combined. Donbas is the heart of where battles

between Russian-back soldiers and the Ukrainian army have been occurring for the last eight

years. Until this year, they have denied claims of planting troops in these regions, but Putin’s

recent justifications were that Ukraine attacked first and that their government doled out harsh

punishment towards the Russian soldiers, claims that were disputed by the Ukrainian government and most independent bodies. Vladimir Putin’s praise of old Russia is really his approval of a single-party rule, or any framework that would advance his totalitarianism. Much like the USSR era, political power is upheld through restrictions in freedom of speech and consequently, freedom of thought. Less than one-fifths of Russians agree with the war on Ukraine, yet many believe that the Kremlin is protecting their country and justify Putin’s actions for the supposed greater good of their own nation. State-controlled propaganda is one way Putin continues to blame Ukraine and the efforts of NATO’s constituent members for provoking the initial attacks. He demonstrated his anti-Ukraine sentiments in a long essay he published in 2021, calling sovereign Ukraine “aggressive towards Russia” and “comparable in its consequences to the use of weapons of mass destruction against us.” He currently perceives threat in the European Union’s (EU) and NATO’s deployment of troops on its eastern borders. Yet, Vladimir Putin saw no harm in stationing 150,000 tanks and artillery on the Ukrainian border to surveil its government. Citizens of Russia are among the worldwide protests of an impending war but at the cost of imprisonment due to restrictions in free discussion and criticism of the Russian government. These unified cries have further escalated Putin’s aggression as he ordered a high alert on Russia’s nuclear deterrence days after the invasion.


Many of us question if the United Nations (UN), European Union, and even NATO are

doing enough, but it is worth remembering that the US and Russia account for nearly all of the

world’s nuclear warheads. Ground warfare can easily escalate into nuclear warfare- something

we must all consider avoiding. Though allied countries cannot aid militarily, severing ties with

Russia’s financial institutions has once again placed them in an economic crisis. These

sanctions placed on banks have not persuaded Putin to surrender the attacks, indicating that his affairs may be more personal than political. While there is no telling where and to what extent the war will escalate, we must continue to pressure our governments to provide non-combat supplies (i.e., food, shelter, clothing) to Ukraine’s humanitarian emergency. Some even suggest imploring the UN to establish an international war crimes tribunal to judge Putin’s heinous violations of humanitarian law.


It is devastating that as we sleep soundly at night, some countries are uncertain if they

will live to see tomorrow. Throughout tragedy and bloodshed, Ukrainians have

demonstrated they will not back down without a fight, refusing to relinquish their country’s integrity will not come as easy as Putin had expected. The United States’ involvement in relations between the two nations have undoubtedly manufactured the current history unfolding. We owe it to Ukraine to assist in any way possible, whether it be mass participation, donations, or spreading awareness. Our efforts must persistently remind Putin that neither his supercilious outlook nor malformed perception of history can justify twenty-first century imperialism.


Educate yourself about the current situation:

Kyivindependent.com

https://linktr.ee/resourcesonukraine (Written by the Ukrainian people)

Organizations created by Ukrainian people for those located internationally:

1. Save Life in UA (https://savelife.in.ua)

2. Territory of Kindness (https://vuf-td.space)

3. People in Need

(https://www.peopleinneed.net/what-we-do/humanitarian-aid-and-development)

4. Razom (https://razomforukraine.org/)

5. Army SOS (https://armysos.com.ua/en/)

6. International Renaissance Foundation (https://www.irf.ua/en/about/)


More Organizations to Donate to:

1. Nova Ukraine

2. Anhelyk Foundation

3. Voices of Children (https://voices.org.ua/en/)

4. The Ukrainian Congress Committee of America (UCCA) Council (https://ucca.org/)

5. People in Need Czech Republic (https://www.peopleinneed.net/)

**All of these resources were gathered by @kimsaira on Instagram.


~“But for Russia and China, states are sovereign, not people...Authoritarian powers [...] seek to

relativise the notion of individual rights, making them subject to local and culturally determined

limitations.” -HR/VP Josep Borrell, Opening Statement at the Munich Security Conference, 20

February 2022


Citations:

https://www.justsecurity.org/80395/united-nations-response-options-to-russias-aggression-opportunities-and-rabbit-holes/

https://www.washingtonpost.com/world/2022/02/02/russia-putin-europe-ukraine/

https://newrepublic.com/amp/article/145446/democracy-didnt-work-russia-masha-gessen-book-traces-rise-repressive-nationalism

https://www.vox.com/policy-and-politics/2022/2/23/22945781/russia-ukraine-putin-speech-transcript-february-22


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